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Jonathan Friendly is the national editor of , which owns the weekly Jewish newspapers in Detroit and Atlanta. He is a former journalism professor at the University of Michigan and a former reporter and editor at The New York Times.
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By Jonathan Friendly
July 30, 2003
More than a year ago, when the Palestinian terror attacks on Israelis were being launched at the rate of one an hour, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon began a counterattack with few holds barred. The actions included targeted killings of terrorist masterminds and the destruction of the homes of terrorists' families as well as stringent security checkpoints that necessarily disrupted the lives of innocent Palestinians.
At the time, many American Jews were very uneasy about these defensive tactics, feeling the reprisals and preemptive strikes were not in keeping with the Jewish character or history or even Israel's short-term interest. But we understood the need for solidarity in the face of a concerted onslaught by radical Arabs and Muslims. Also, the Jewish community did an admirable job of explaining to other Americans-even before 9-11 -- why existential threats demanded a firm response.
Now we must adapt to a different reality, again one that may involve some very painful compromises with principles, although this time the movement will be in a different direction.
It will not be easy, for example, to watch Israeli troops move out of the West Bank and Gaza cities that have for so long served as bases for terrorists. The Israel Defense Forces fought hard to bring these areas under a semblance of control that has contributed importantly to slowing the suicide bombers. Moving out may simply encourage some of the Islamic Jihad and Hamas terrorists to launch new attacks, so we can't let down our guard entirely.
Even more difficult will be to support the promised release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners. The first group will be people with no demonstrated links to terror, but pressure could grow to free some who may have incidental ties to the masterminds of violence. Unlike the withdrawal of armed forces, prisoner release is not mandated by the U.S.-backed road map to Mideast stability. Remembering the photos from Ramallah where, at the start of the latest intifada (uprising), a mob killed two reservists-the photos where blood was quite literally on the hands of the murderers-it is hard to think about releasing Palestinians who would agitate again. But it has become a preoccupation for the extremist groups that effectively rule the Palestinians and may well become a bargaining chip that Israel will have to pay to prolong their cease-fire.
Nor can we be terribly optimistic when the long-term incitement to violence continues. For example, it was disgusting last week to see the Palestinian Authority name a kids' summer camp for Wafa Idris, the first female suicide bomber. It was equally repellant when the P.A. failed to stop a mob that tried to suppress a Palestinian professor whose research showed the majority of Palestinians favoring an end to the violence. But American Jews as well as Israelis are going to have to swallow that kind of abhorrent behavior for a while.
The likeliest avenue to continuing this fragile easing of tensions after nearly three years of destruction will be intelligent concessions-including an awareness of the Palestinian political realities that make the posture of belligerence a necessity even for peace seekers in the West Bank and Gaza. Just as we defended Israel's stern actions when they were needed, American Jews must now support specific, limited steps toward a more relaxed and open approach.
Views expressed by the author do not
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